Archive for the ‘Politics’ Category

Michael Bellesiles: back in print, and back in trouble

Tuesday, July 20th, 2010

The Chronicle of Higher Education recently published an essay by Michael Bellesiles, the disgraced former Emory professor and author of Arming America, who lost his job (and his Bancroft prize) after bloggers revealed extensive fabrications in the book, which purported to show that guns were rare in early American history.

Bellesiles is now an adjunct lecturer in history at Central Connecticut State University, and his essay is about a student in his class in military history whose brother, the student told Bellesiles, was shot by a sniper while serving in Iraq and died.

The essay raised red flags for many readers, not only because of Bellesiles’ record, but because they couldn’t verify the details (casualty records are public, and none matched the story the student told Bellesiles).

Eventually, The Chronicle checked the story and couldn’t verify it either (their account is now appended to the essay). Their conclusion: the story was made up, but by the student, not Bellesiles.

Picking up the idea that the student was the one at fault, Megan McArdle at the Atlantic writes, “Of course, maybe the student thought it would help him pass the class; in fact, maybe it did. Whatever the motivation, Bellesiles was taken in. Stupid, yes, but not exactly incomprehensible. You’d feel like a monstrous jerk if you added to the pain of someone whose brother had just died in Iraq by demanding that he prove he wasn’t lying.”

One of her commenters, JamieMc, said, “But this isn’t a scholarly article or journalism. It’s a personal essay. I’m not sure why anybody would expect him to research it. . . . My point is that the genre he’s working in here doesn’t really call for the kind of fact checking that some folks seem to be outraged that he didn’t do. He isn’t a journalist.”

JamieMc is wrong about the obligations of journalism. I replied:

Even “personal essays” are expected to be factually correct if they are submitted to, and appear in, a reputable and prestigious academic publication. At that point, such essays become journalism, whether or not the author can otherwise be described as a journalist. (Heck, blog posts are expected to be factually correct, however seldom that expectation is met.)

I edited many such pieces in nearly 20 years as a journalist, at several different daily newspapers, and you’d better believe it was part of my job to reject submissions that didn’t check out, and to display a healthy skepticism about which ones needed to be checked out. This essay invited skepticism because it was just too pat; and given who it came from (The Chronicle had been burned by Bellesiles before, you know), it demanded skepticism, if not instant rejection.

Any professional editor should have expected him to provide evidence that the story was essentially true.

I wrote a column on Bellesiles and Arming America in 2002, when Emory’s investigation was just gathering steam; since the paper I wrote it for closed in 2009, here’s a Google cache.

Bellesiles has a book coming out shortly; you have to wonder why any publisher would take such a chance.

Tea’d-up outrage

Thursday, January 29th, 2009

 A woman who writes a monthly fluff’n’stuff column for The Denver Post’s Lifestyle section, Kristen Browning-Blas, delivered herself this week of a Meaningful Protest Against Racism.

To set the stage she now sees herself taking, she invokes not only Gandhi and Rev. King, but Rep. John Lewis, who was beaten by Alabama state troopers as he and others marched in Selma in 1965. “They knew they might be hurt, yet they stepped on past the fear.”

On Inauguration Day, she tells us, she dropped by the cafe/bar of her gym to get some soup.

One of the employees was checking the tea and noted out loud that they were out of black tea. To the other server, she made a joke about ordering some more “Obama tea.”

On this day, of all days, I could not turn away, pretend I didn’t hear.

My pulse raced a little. Butterflies fluttered in my stomach. In the larger scheme of things, calling her on it was a small act.

You could say that, yes.

So she “did the uncomfortable thing” and spoke to the club manager. He asked what she wanted him to do, and she “suggested racial sensitivity training at the very least.”

As if that would help with the problem, if there were a problem, which there wasn’t.

Look, there are times when people should mark even casual comments as distasteful. If the server had said something about “(N-word) tea,” I too would think it worth complaining about, and I hope I would. The thing is, the opportunity doesn’t arise that often. The only time in the last 50 years I, personally, have heard a white person use the N-word, it was the trainer at a court-mandated “racial sensitivity training” session our employer required everyone to attend. She intended, presumably, to instruct the audience in how to do all the things they should not do, and which they were already not doing.

Obama tea? That’s like suing Southwest Airlines for “Eeeny meeny miny mo.”

As it happens, Browning-Blas’s 13-year-old son understands the lesson she taught him better than she does. At school the same day, he told her, one of his classmates in geography class said, as Obama placed his hand on the Bible to take the oath of office, “It’s still not too late to shoot him.” Her son told his classmate to be quiet, as well he should. Butterflies and racing pulses, if any, not reported.

James Taranto, at the Wall St. Journal, has a great send-up of this pretentious delivery.

He concludes:

We shall overcome–but we haven’t yet. Racism in America is far from dead. It turns out there is even a Web site called Obama-Tea.com, featuring a caricature of President Obama in which his face appears to be made of herbs and fruit.

Let us all follow Kristen Browning-Blas’s example and take a stand against injustice. If not us, who? If not now, when? If not honey, lemon?

Free-speech award

Sunday, April 27th, 2008

The Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation announced earlier this week that Alan Charles Kors, a professor of history at the University of Pennsylvania, would receive one of four 2008 Bradley awards for his work defending students’ right of free expression. (The link doesn’t seem to be working, but a Google cache is here).

I first encountered Kors when I was a grad student at the University of Minnesota, working for the student newspaper, the Minnesota Daily, and was assigned a story about university speech codes (around 1990). Since people in favor of speech codes were thick on the ground, I needed someone who thought they were pernicious, and I called Kors because he was quoted in an article in The Chronicle of Higher Education.

He was extraordinarily gracious to a student journalist calling him out of nowhere, and he was also passionate about the issue. So much so, that even if I hadn’t already agreed with him, I’d likely have been persuaded to change my mind.

I wasn’t surprised when I learned later that he’d emerged as the faculty advocate for a Penn student named Eden Jacobowitz, who was hauled before a kangaroo court for shouting at a noisy gaggle of drunken sorority women outside his dorm in the middle of the night, “Shut up, you water buffalo!”

The women, being black, took this rather improbable insult as racist, although at its source in Hebrew it’s about as racist as “dodo.” Well, I guess “dodo” is more closely African than “water buffalo,” although neither of them is black.

What Kors learned about campus judiciary systems during the water buffalo case eventually impelled him to write a book, The Shadow University, with co-author Harvey Silverglate, about the due-process violations implicit in many campus judiciary systems.

The examples the authors collected during the writing of the book led to the founding of an organization, Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (here), dedicated to preserving the rights of students and faculty sucked into the gears of their university’s thought police. FIRE is not, you need to understand, ideological in choosing the people it defends. If the people it defends are more often on the right than the left, as seems to be the case, that is only because the right is mostly where the university thought police seek their victims.

The award is richly deserved (and it’s worth $250,000, which is not too shabby either). The intriguing thing is, why is what Kors has done — following his conscience, and damn the consequences — so rare among academics as to merit a prestigious and lucrative award?

University professors with tenure, after all, enjoy about as much personal and professional security as life affords anyone in this uncertain universe. Are they afraid that if they utter an impious truth, the president won’t invite them for tea again? Sometimes the truth is impious, but must be said.

View from the flight deck

Wednesday, April 23rd, 2008

P.J. O’Rourke gets a whirlwind tour of the aircraft carrier USS Theodore Roosevelt–the “Big Stick”– and writes,

I love big, moving machinery. And machinery doesn’t get any bigger, or more moving, than a U.S.-flagged nuclear-powered aircraft carrier that’s longer than the Empire State Building is tall and possesses four acres of flight deck. This four acres, if it were a nation, would have the fifth or sixth largest airforce in the world–86 fixed wing aircraft plus helicopters.

But more to the point, since P.J. took the trip because he wanted to write about John McCain, he says:

I look from John McCain to what the opposition has to offer. There’s Ms. Smarty-Pantsuit, the Bosnia-Under-Sniper-Fire poster gal, former prominent Washington hostess, and now the JV senator from the state that brought you Eliot Spitzer and Bear Stearns. And there’s the happy-talk boy wonder, the plaster Balthazar in the Cook County political crèche, whose policy pronouncements sound like a walk through Greenwich Village in 1968: “Change, man? Got any spare change? Change?”

He concludes:

A strange flight it is–from the hard and fast reality of a floating island to the fantasy world of American solid ground. In this never-never land a couple of tinhorn Second City shysters–who, put together, don’t have the life experience of the lowest ranking gob-with-a-swab cleaning a head on the Big Stick–presume to run for president of the United States. They’re not just running against the hero John McCain, they’re running against heroism itself and against almost everything about America that ought to be conserved.

(HatTip Instapundit)

The Veepstakes

Friday, February 8th, 2008

Michael Graham asks who should be at John McCain’s side come November.

Here’s my three-point test. The VP nominee must:

1-Be perceived as “ready to be president” immediately. One of the major issues of the ‘08 general election will be John McCain’s age. That Washington Post story about McCain being required to get a special life insurance policy will come back in the fall, I guarantee.

2– Add a state to the GOP column. If the GOP has any hope of holding the White House, it will likely involve state by state fighting and getting smart, lucky or both in one or two key states. A Great Lakes state maybe, or Florida. . . .

3–Be a woman or a member of a minority group. It’s tragic but true. 2008 is the year of identity politics. It is dominating the political conversation this year.

To me, #1 and #3 add up to Condoleezza Rice.

She has more foreign policy experience than the two surviving Democrats together. Hillary Clinton’s experience jet-setting around to feel-good conferences as her husband’s stand-in counts for nothing, and Obama knows as much about foreign policy as you would expect from someone who apparently thinks all he needs to know he learned in kindergarten.

None of them has significant executive experience, but Rice was the provost at Stanford, and the Stanford faculty are a lot harder to manage than the hand-picked members of Hillary’s health care task force, and we all know how well that turned out.

Fortunately.

A Republican black probably will not trump a Democratic black, given that blacks are going to vote overwhelmingly for the Democrat anyway, whoever it is. But a black candidate might shift a few of them.

A Republican woman may not trump a Democratic woman, but Rice should be competitive, and there’s the further point that if she runs, win or lose, she’ll be a stronger contender for future presidential nominations.

The Republicans can wait to name their VP candidate at their convention in St. Paul, after the Democratic nominee is chosen, whether at the convention in Denver or before. If Rice were not available, it might be prudent to delay until they know who they’re running against. But there she is. McCain doesn’t need to wait.

(H/T Instapundit)

Diversity miseducation

Tuesday, January 1st, 2008

Hans Bader at openmarket.org, the staff blog for the Competitive Enterprise Institute, has a great post, Diversity Training Backfires, identifying a number of companies that found themselves being sued after they dragooned their unwilling employees into mandatory diversity training re-education sessions, which taught lessons other than the ones intended.

Bader writes:

Diversity training often triggers workplace conflict and lawsuits, by compelling employees to talk about contentious racial or sexual issues, with resulting acrimony, and remarks that are misinterpreted or perceived as racially or sexually biased. For example, in Stender v. Lucky Stores (1992), statements made by managers during sensitivity training were held by a court to be admissible as evidence of discriminatory intent within the organization. That prevented the employer from getting a lawsuit dismissed.

Hattip to Glenn Reynolds at Instapundit, whose link asked, “DOES MANDATORY “DIVERSITY TRAINING” JUST LEAD TO MORE LAWSUITS? I certainly hope so . . .”

Me too. They get what they deserve.

To be fair, employers often have no choice about offering such training and requiring employees to participate. Gail Heriot, a law professor at the University of San Diego and a member of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, wrote about the sessions she attended on sexual and other workplace harassment, which are mandated by California law.

The villain of the harassment set-piece turns out to be a white guy who is angry about losing a promotion to a black woman, and sets out to harass her into not returning from a pregnancy leave.

This conflates two quite different issues. The harassment itself, as dramatized, is clearly unacceptable and nobody — this is a university workplace, remember — would seriously argue otherwise. But linking it to resentment over affirmative action is purely tendentious. An employee who believes he has been discriminated against — reversely or directly — has a fully protected legal right to complain about it, and the training material strongly suggests the opposite.

Heriot:

The message the employee is supposed to carry away is clear: Anyone who complains about any kind of inappropriate harassment or discrimination in the workplace must be treated with kid gloves (even if the complaint is silly), unless the complainant is a white guy concerned about “reverse” discrimination, in which case he’s “really out of line” and his conduct is “really offensive.”

It occurred to me that this training course is itself a rather blatant form of racial and sexual harassment. Employees taking the course are not so subtly being told, “Do not dream of complaining about race or sex discrimination if you are white or male.”

The question is, why is the training itself so incompetent — when it is is not downright counterproductive?

After years of attending sessions like this, I’ve come to think it’s because the people who seek out careers as diversity trainers are often people who are themselves bigots, and so assume everybody else must be too. Here are some stories about how I arrived at that conclusion.

The Minnesota Daily
The first diversity trainers I had to listen to came to the Minnesota Daily, around 1991. There were two of them, a white woman and a black man, and she treated him as barely more than an animate stage prop for her leading role. It made her preening claim of moral superiority all the harder to take seriously.

It is true that her unwilling audience was entirely white. But that was because our colleagues who were people of color were not required to attend. In fact she could scarcely have conjured up an audience more committed to “diversity” and less troubled by actual diversity. The Daily is an independent student paper, and its hiring policy at the time was in essence to hire every person of color who applied (which was not a large number as we were, after all, in Minnesota), and then complete the staff with the best-qualified white applicants, roughly a third of them. I think I was the only person who thought this was a really bad idea, at any rate the only person who was willing to say so.

The results were absolutely predictable. As the quarter wore on, the two-thirds of affirmative action hires who would never have been on staff if they were white crashed and burned. One quarter we had a Jayson Blair type, whose first story was a blockbuster about discrimination in the graduate program in English, marred only by the fact that the persecuted grad student he wrote about was entirely imaginary.

The paper summarily fired him, and the very next day he walked into a staff job at a large professional paper. I happened to draw the assignment of re-reporting the second story he was working on. This time the people he had quoted in his first draft were real. Only their quotes were fabricated.

Another minority reporter took exception to the way his story was edited, and threw a chair at the chief copy editor. Yet another quit in tears around Thanksgiving because she hadn’t yet finished a second story.

The inevitable effect of this on their white colleagues, most of them undergraduates in their first serious professional workplace, was devastating. They didn’t know about hiring preferences; all they had was the evidence of their own eyes that most of their minority colleagues couldn’t cut it. And the people who suffered the most were those who could, the people of color who would have been hired absent any preferences.

As typical as the trainer’s presentation was, she did come up with one so-far-unmatched idiocy. When she was growing up, she said, there was a lot of hostility between Lutherans and Catholics in her hometown.

Fortunately, she said, that’s no longer so much of a problem. “Nobody takes that religion stuff seriously any more,” she assured us.

Now that’s enlightened tolerance.

Contra Costa Times
Skip forward to a much ballyhooed diversity training session at the Contra Costa Times in California’s East Bay, in 1996 or so, maybe early 1997. (I worked at the Pleasanton office of the Valley Times, one of the CCT’s local editions.) This was a major corporate initiative, we were told, and we would be led down the paths of righteousness by a corporate bigwig from Knight-Ridder, which had recently bought the paper.

Nobody was thrilled about this, but we did understand that if corporate was flying in VIPs to instruct us, we had better pay attention.

In the event, though, the VIP had more pressing duties, and instead we got some hack who informed us that she had been a diversity consultant for 10 years and assured us that she would be teaching us how to be comfortable around people “who were different from us.”

Granted, she couldn’t win. First strike was what she wasn’t: important. Second was what she was: a hired gun for a disreputable enterprise. And third was what she said. Apparently unaware that just about everybody within sound of her voice was a lot more comfortable with diversity than she was, she proceeded to fling about stereotypes that would have gotten any of us fired.

For example, she said that putting together the first Unity conference was extremely difficult, because the Hispanic journalists’ group operated on “Mexican time.” (For those of you who don’t know about Unity, it’s a loose confederation of four ethnically separatist journalism groups who put on solidarity conventions whose main purpose is to charge exorbitant prices for recruiting booths so the employers can prove to any meddling federal bureaucrats who come snooping that they have indeed attempted to recruit underrepresented minorities. It’s a hustle.)

She’d been parachuted in from somewhere, maybe Miami, and evidently hadn’t given any thought to where she was. So when someone asked her about how gay and lesbian issues would be dealt with, she drew in a breath with that telltale hissing noise that means the speaker is discomfited. “That’s very difficult,” she said, adding that many companies didn’t cover it at all in their diversity training.

Remember, I said “East Bay.” This meeting was being held in Walnut Creek, which is maybe 30 minutes by BART from the Castro. I doubt that anyone present was troubled by that.

Rocky Mountain News
Rocky employees were required to attend diversity training sessions as a result of a court decision in a discrimination case which it had lost or settled, I forget which. The employee who brought the case had not worked in the newsroom, but in another division which by this time belonged to a different company. So there was considerable resentment that we, who had nothing to do with the employee or the case, were sentenced to collective punishment.

One of the trainers was a white woman in a bright pink suit, whom everyone afterward called “the Pink Nazi.” Her colleague was a black woman whose contribution to the session was to demonstrate how costly insensitivity was to a company, which she did by gloating about how much money she got in a successful discrimination suit.

Her other role was as a prop for the Pink Nazi, who demonstrated how not to behave by directing a stream of abuse toward her, including a prominent use of the n-word.

I’ve been working since 1957, and I had never before heard the n-word used in the workplace. (And exactly twice outside it.) What was this performance supposed to teach us? That it is acceptable to use racial slurs to abuse a black woman in public if you have a pure heart and lofty purposes?

The Pink Nazi also showed a couple of cringe-inducing videos, one of an outside salesman hitting on a secretary (unintended message, “anything short of this is permitted”) and another of a mildly effete young man being hassled by male co-workers who thought he was gay. At least I think that was the point; the Pink Nazi seemed to think it was an example of same-sex sexual harassment.

As Bader points out, relying on diversity consultants for legal advice is perilous.

How anyone can believe these heavy-handed attempts at indoctrination can improve workplace harmony entirely escapes me.

Column: Honesty about law-school admissions

Saturday, September 1st, 2007

People who believe that racial discrimination is a legitimate means to a desirable political end (at least if your heart is pure and you mean well) are all in a swivet over a report just released by the U. S. Commission on Civil Rights on affirmative action in law school admissions.

The report recommends that law schools “voluntarily provide disclosure to the public and, at the very least, to potential applicants on student academic performance, attrition, graduation, bar passage, student loan default, and future income disaggregated by academic credentials.”

If it isn’t immediately obvious why this should be controversial, you perhaps don’t understand that “disaggregated by academic credentials” is polite politician-speak that really means accounting for the fact that law schools admit black students with far weaker credentials, on average, than they require of white and Asian students.

That’s not just what critics say about law-school admission policies; it’s what university officials themselves claim in defense of their policies. “Defense,” mind you. Officials at the University of Michigan, arguing the benefits of “diversity” in the case Grutter v. Bollinger, conceded that if they evaluated students from “underrepresented” minority groups by the same criteria they used for whites and Asians, three of every four would not have been admitted.

One consequence is distressingly high failure rates on the bar exam. According to a study by the Law School Admission Council, 96.7 percent of white law grads who take the bar exam eventually pass it, that is, 3.3 percent never do no matter how many times they take it. The comparable failure rate for blacks is 22.4 percent (cited by John Rosenberg on his blog www.discriminations.us, which has multiple posts and links).

Gail Heriot, who joined the commission just this year, said in an Aug. 26 op-ed for the Wall Street Journal (subscription, but there’s a Google cache) that the prospects for eventual success for those entering law school are really even worse than that.

Under current practices, only 45% of blacks who enter law school pass the bar on their first attempt as opposed to over 78% of whites. Even after multiple tries, only 57% of blacks succeed. The rest are often saddled with student debt, routinely running as high as $160,000, not counting undergraduate debt. How great an increase in the number of black attorneys is needed to justify these costs?

She discusses a study released by UCLA law professor Richard Sander in 2004 and published the following year in the Stanford Law Review. He attributes the high failure rate in part to the mismatch between black law students and the institutions they attend. Because the top schools dip further into the pool of black applicants, law schools in every tier find the pool depleted of applicants comparable to the white students they admit, and black law students cluster disproportionately at the bottom of their class. As a result, Sander believes, there are actually fewer black lawyers than there would be without racial preferences in admissions.

Sander’s explanation for the disparity in outcomes has been angrily rebuffed (though not, in my view, successfully refuted) by supporters of preferential admissions policies. If Sander is right all justifications for such policies are beside the point. They don’t accomplish what they are supposed to, and moreover can do harm to students who don’t know before they choose a law school how likely they are to succeed there.

More research might settle the question, but Sander’s request for data on bar passage rates has been denied by the California State Bar. Rosenberg points out that exactly the kind of data Sander requested has been obtained, and used, by some of the very same people who are now trying to prevent him from getting it.

If the commission’s recommendations were followed, Sander and anybody else who wanted to could do the research. That’s why the demand for transparency and honesty is a threat to people who believe that racial discrimination in pursuit of equal outcomes is no vice, and colorblindness in pursuit of equal opportunity is no virtue.

PiPress editorial: politicians working together

Sunday, August 19th, 2007

Now that I’m a Minnesotan again, I’ve undertaken to begin reading the editorials in the Twin Cities papers, the Star Tribune in Minneapolis and the Pioneer Press in St. Paul.

It’ll be a chore, let me tell you.

In its editorial dated Aug. 18, headlined, Dirty political secret: we can work together,”
the paper lauds Minnesota politicians of both parties who have come together after the collapse of the Interstate 35W bridge to lobby the federal government for lots of money to replace it.

The editorial says:

“As we wrote shortly after the collapse, sometimes it takes a disaster to get politicians to make sense.

But much of the work of government could be as nonpolitical as the reaction to the bridge collapse. A person’s position on abortion or Iraq doesn’t matter much when it comes to recovering from a bridge collapse. Why should it get in the way of negotiating a new farm bill or protecting air and water or making long-range decisions on energy and transit?

Why are we so often presented with black-white choices that seem to be well within the range of compromise?

Before addressing the question, I pause to point out that the last sentence makes no sense, or at least it can’t be what the writer intended to say. If the choices presented, whatever their color scheme, were “well within the range of compromise,” what would be the problem? Clearly, what the writer meant are choices “that are deliberately outside the range of compromise.”

Don’t these people have editors?

More substantively, there are excellent reasons why much of the work of government can’t be “non-political.” A bridge collapse is likely to be a once-in-a-career event for a politician. They can’t afford to be thought callous or insensitive, but aside from that self-interested calculation no deep philosophical principles are implicated.

In contrast, “negotiating a new farm bill or protecting air and water or making long-range decisions on energy and transit” draw on the most fundamental beliefs about what the government should be doing and how best to go about it. Congress got farm policy wrong in the Depression, for pardonable reasons, and has gone right on getting it wrong, in various ways, ever since. People may agree on protecting air and water but disagree on how to do it. Why should anyone be prepared to compromise on long-range decisions about energy and transit if they firmly believe that the wrong decision will burden American society and economy for decades?

It’s nothing to do with “abortion or Iraq.” That’s just a cheap rhetorical shot, since there’s little evidence that positions on those issues directly influence people’s positions on economic matters. As Thomas Sowell pointed out in A Conflict of Visions, people’s basic understanding of human nature predisposes them to prefer certain broad types of policies. It is simplistic to assume that any one such policy is the primary cause of all the others.

China as thug

Monday, July 16th, 2007

Dave Kopel of the Independence Institute (and my former colleague at the Rocky Mountain News) has a column up today, July 16, at TechCentralStation on China’s efforts to position itself as the major Pacific power, with a lot of sharp elbows deployed in Latin America as well, with the enthusiastic assistance of Hugo Chavez.

Historically, China’s claim to rule Taiwan is very weak. In the five thousand years of Chinese history, there are only 17 years, in the late 19th century, when a government with actual sovereignty over the mainland even claimed to possess sovereignty over the entire island of Taiwan. If historical sovereignty is the test, Japan has a much better claim to Taiwan than does China, since Japan ruled Taiwan from 1895 to 1945, a sixty year period in which the people of Taiwan made far more economic and educational process than in the earlier periods when part of Taiwan was ruled by China.

Whatever the historical realities, Chinese and Latin tyrants find common ground in political realities. Chinese President Hu Jintao and Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez have inked numerous agreements expanding the relationship between the Beijing and Caracas, including a deal to jointly develop oil fields in Venezuela.

China is a ready friend for anti-American thugs, and not just Chavez. China has cozy relationships for energy development and arms sales with the genocidal Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe and the genocidal National Islamic Front regime in Sudan. China has used it power at the United Nations to ensure that no meaningful barriers are imposed on Iran’s nuclear weapons program.